Author Topic: Jailing Kids For Cash  (Read 12785 times)

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Offline Ursus

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Monroe Co. Announces Plan to Avoid Scandals
« Reply #60 on: April 09, 2009, 10:10:06 PM »
Quote from: "wdtony"
If people keep "cooperating" we may never hear the end of this corruption. Seems like the whole system there in Luzerne Co. is part of this.

I wonder where the next Luzerne, PA will be? Probably not in Texas, Florida or Utah seeing as how those states seem to protect corruption.

Well, here's an article re. a neighboring county in Pennsylvania taking steps to ensure that they won't be the next "Luzerne County," lol...

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[Local news video coverage of the following story accessible from title link.]

Local news / Wilkes-Barre, PA
Monroe Co. Announces Plan to Avoid Scandals

Reported by: Laurie Monteforte
Monday, Mar 23, 2009 @04:35pm EST


STROUDSBURG, MONROE COUNTY - The Luzerne County judge scandal has many people worried about the integrity of the judicial system. People in Monroe County are doing their best to make sure all six people running for judge are honest.

Two judges plead guilty of corruption and the scandal echoes across the state. "We were distraught about it," said Alexander Bensinger of Monroe County.

When Luzerne County Judges Mark Ciaverella and Michael Conahan admitted to scandal people in Monroe county wanted to make sure nothing like it would ever happen in the Poconos. "It highlighted the need for something to be done now," said  attorney Mary Louis Parker.

The Monroe County Bar Association formed a judicial evaluation committee. It will examine all candidates for an open Monroe County Judge position. Parker, the Vice Chairperson, explained, "This is an open, honest, and in depth attempt to evaluate these judicial candidates."

The candidates will undergo a criminal background check and a reference check. They'll also have to answer several pages of questions. In addition to that paperwork, they'll have to submit their tax returns, a list of their assets and other business interests.

Bensinger, the Committee Chairperson said that would help find, "Whether they'd have greater temptation to steal money to make wrong decisions."

Five lawyers sit on the board along with four community members. Rich Berkowitz said, "You can't rely on the courts, you don't believe in justice and if justice is corrupt - who do you believe in?"

Committee member Wayne Bolt said, "We just want to pick a good and honest judge for our area here."

The board will make recommendations about each candidate before the May primary. Those are suggestions on who people should vote for. It has no impact on whether or not candidates are allowed to remain on the ballot.


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Offline Ursus

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Supreme Court Stops Election to Fill Lokuta's Seat
« Reply #61 on: April 10, 2009, 01:27:49 AM »
[Local news video coverage of the following story accessible from title link.]

Local news / Wilkes-Barre, PA
Supreme Court Stops Election to Fill Lokuta's Seat

Reported by: Joe Holden
Wednesday, Mar 25, 2009 @06:05pm EST


WILKES-BARRE, LUZERNE COUNTY- The state Supreme Court has halted an election to fill the Luzerne County judicial seat of Ann Lokuta.

She was removed from the bench last year and filed a document earlier this month to block the election.

The Supreme Court also ordered the Court of Judicial Discipline to consider whether it should reopen Lokuta's case. That's because three of the witnesses against her pleaded guilty in an ongoing federal corruption probe at the Luzerne County Courthouse.


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Offline Ursus

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Ciavarella Cases To Be Reversed, Erased
« Reply #62 on: April 10, 2009, 12:18:23 PM »
Woo-weee! It's about time! Unbelievable that Ciavarella and Conahan are still running around free on bail though...

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[Local news video coverage of the following story accessible from title link.]

Local news / Wilkes-Barre, PA
Ciavarella Cases To Be Reversed, Erased

Reported by: Joe Holden
Thursday, Mar 26, 2009 @10:26pm EST


WILKES-BARRE, LUZERNE COUNTY- Thousands of cases could be reversed and eventually expunged, according to Luzerne County District Attorney Jackie Musto Carroll. Her office has been ordered to review all juvenile case dispositions by ex-Judge Mark Ciavarella from 2003 to 2008.

The Pa. Supreme Court issued the order Thursday directing prosecutors to determine if there could be more victims caught up in one of the worst judicial scandals. Ciavarella and fellow ex-Judge Michael Conahan pleaded guilty last month to charges they masterminded an incarceration scheme that sent juveniles to privately owned facilities in exchange for cash, $2.6 million to be exact. Musto-Carroll said her office will be forced to assign two assistant district attorneys and two support staff personnel to handle the order. She described the assignment "substantial and voluminous."

The order identifies guidelines for determining those juveniles who qualify for the emergency relief.

Ciavarella and Conahan remain free on bail pending the completion of a pre-sentencing report.


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Offline Ursus

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Governor Asked to Put Ciavarella's Seat on May Ballot
« Reply #63 on: April 14, 2009, 02:27:39 PM »
Local news / Wilkes-Barre, PA
Governor Asked to Put Ciavarella's Seat on May Ballot

Reported by: Eyewitness News
Monday, Mar 30, 2009 @03:10pm EST


WILKES-BARRE, LUZERNE COUNTY- Luzerne County President Judge Chester Muroski wants former Judge Mark Ciaverella's seat on the Primary Election ballot.

Judge Muroski sent governor Ed Rendell a letter Friday. The request comes after former Judge Ann Lokuta's seat was taken off the ballot last week. The position was withdrawn pending her appeal of the ruling that removed her from office.

Ciavarella's resignation came too late for his seat to be placed on the ballot. Judge Muroski made the request given the unusual circumstances in Luzerne County.


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Offline Ursus

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The I-Team Catches Up With Mark Ciavarella
« Reply #64 on: April 14, 2009, 05:48:55 PM »
[Local news video coverage of the following story accessible from title link.]

Local news / Wilkes-Barre, PA
The I-Team Catches Up With Mark Ciavarella

Reported by: Andy Mehalshick
Wednesday, Apr 8, 2009 @06:15pm EST


The I-Team tracked down disgraced Judge Mark Ciavarella Wednesday. Ciavarella was at the Scranton Federal Courthouse to talk with probation officials.

Ciavarella plead guilty in a "kids for cash" scheme. He is accused of taking some $2.6 million in kickback to send kids to a private juvenile detention center.

Another judge, Michael Conahan, is also facing similar charges. The case has captured worldwide attention.

Up until now Ciavarella has never spoken to local media. That changed Wednesday when the I-Team's Andy Mehalshick caught up with him outside court.

Ciavarella wouldn't say much, only that his attorney had advised him not to make any formal statements. "Andy at this point I can't make any comment. I've been told by my attorney that it's in my best interests not to make any statements. I'm following his advice thank you," he said.

When asked about statements he made to national and international media about not 'selling kids,' that there was no 'kids for cash scheme,' Ciavarella answered, "The statement was the statement. I've been told by my attorney since I made that statement I best not say anything."

He said he looks forward to a day when he can talk about the allegations. "I'll have my opportunity to respond relative to these accusations that have been made. I look forward to that day when it's appropriate. I'll have a statement then. I'll be glad to express my feelings rated to these issues," Ciavarella said.


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Offline Ursus

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Corruption Story Featured in People
« Reply #65 on: April 22, 2009, 12:12:42 PM »
[Local news video coverage of the following story accessible from title link.]

Local news / Wilkes-Barre, PA
Corruption Story Featured in People

Reported by: Andy Mehalshick
Thursday, Apr 9, 2009 @07:00pm EST


WILKES-BARRE, LUZERNE COUNTY- The probe into corruption at the Luzerne County Courthouse is once again gaining national attention. People Magazine did a feature story this past week.

The magazine details the allegations against former judges Mark Ciavarella and Michael Conahan. It also highlights some of the teenagers who say they were sent away to detention for no good reason.

Ciavarella and Conahan admit to taking kickbacks in what prosecutors call a "kids for cash" scheme.


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Offline Oscar

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Re: Jailing Kids For Cash
« Reply #66 on: August 11, 2011, 05:07:08 AM »
Our cooperators over at Minors in residential placement research center has issued this press-release:

Quote
Judgment day in the Kids for Cash case

For many years Luzerne County in Pennsylvania was known for its strict policy against juvenile crime. It was a model for those who plea for justice and a fight for less crime among adolescents.

But it did turn out that the tough sentences had nothing to do with a wish to fight crime. It was all done for greed. The owners of boot camps, wilderness programs and other residential options had paid the judges to impose tougher sentences.

Children charged with only minor crimes were put in prison taken out of courts in handcuffs and shackles as they had murdered several persons. It is needless to say how what was supposed to be a lecture in right and wrong instead turned out to be a life-changing turning point in the lives of every of the children who were put through this experience.

Many suffered for years feeling being permanent branded as criminals and some did later take their own lives.

The Pennsylvania Kids-for-Cash scandal is now well-known in our culture. An episode of Law- and Order was broadcasted world over letting everyone know how dangerous a system where minors are placed in various residential options without proper political supervision can be. Still in many countries audit of systems where case workers and judges have sole control with the faith of children and especially who they will grant the care of a specific child is basically missing.

The people we citizens vote into office must see to that they supervise the structure. They need to watch how money exchange hands very carefully. They must demand results and move out of their chair and visit children placed outside their home.

The hidden money transactions are not only a problem for Pennsylvania. As far away as Denmark and Sweden you can see stories in the media about children placed in public care which are abused and mistreated in group homes and in the foster care system - Cases where reports of alleged abuse have entered the system for over 20 years only to disappear.

The politicians should have asked to obvious question: Who caused these report to disappear? Who forgets to report when two minors at a group home have sexual encounters? In a country like Denmark it is reported that such encounters take place twice at month. Children aged down to 7 are abused by older children and the employees of the group homes are not educated to treat the victims who in extreme cases can cause them to grow up and become abusers themselves.

But the politicians have failed their jobs. They have not asked to have put every single contract between their administration and group homes and foster families on the table so they can discover suspicious patterns. We are talking huge amounts which are changing hands.

It is time for the citizens to step up and write the persons they have elected for office to ask them to dig into this area not leaving it up to a closed circuit of deals made in the dark.

Today it is judgment day in the Pennsylvania Kids-for-Cash scandal, but tomorrow it should be judgment day for all sick systems with the potential of corruption and possible damage of children’s lives.

Source:
Parents: Give him the max (The Times Leader, August 11, 2011)

For more information please see Wikipedia's article about this case until Fornits Wiki's entry is online again.
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Offline Dethgurl

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Re: Jailing Kids For Cash
« Reply #67 on: August 12, 2011, 07:32:05 AM »
Pa. judge gets 28 years in 'kids for cash' case

http://http://www.ajc.com/news/nation-world/pa-judge-gets-28-1097263.html#.TkQxB9DimYM.email

By MICHAEL RUBINKAM
The Associated Press

SCRANTON, Pa. — A northeastern Pennsylvania judge was ordered Thursday to spend nearly three decades in prison for his role in a massive bribery scandal that prompted the state's high court to toss thousands of juvenile convictions and left lasting scars on the children who appeared in his courtroom and their hapless families.

Former Luzerne County Judge Mark Ciavarella Jr. was sentenced to 28 years in federal prison for taking a $1 million bribe from the builder of a pair of juvenile detention centers in a case that became known as "kids for cash."

Ciavarella, who denied locking up youths for money, had no reaction as the sentence was announced. From the gallery, which was crowded with family members of some of the children he incarcerated, someone shouted "Woo hoo!"

In the wake of the scandal, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court overturned about 4,000 convictions issued by Ciavarella between 2003 and 2008, saying he violated the constitutional rights of the juveniles, including the right to legal counsel and the right to intelligently enter a plea.

Ciavarella, 61, was tried and convicted of racketeering earlier this year. His attorneys had asked for a "reasonable" sentence in court papers, saying, in effect, that he'd already been punished enough.

"The media attention to this matter has exceeded coverage given to many and almost all capital murders, and despite protestation, he will forever be unjustly branded as the 'Kids for Cash' judge," their sentencing memo said.

Al Flora, Ciavarella's lawyer, called the sentence harsher than expected. The ex-judge surrendered immediately but it was not immediately known where he would serve his time. He plans to appeal both his conviction and sentence.

Ciavarella, in a 15-minute speech before the sentence was handed down, apologized to his family, the Luzerne County bar and the community — and to those juveniles who appeared before him in his court. He called himself a hypocrite who failed to practice what he preached.

"I blame no one but myself for what happened," he said.

Then, in an extraordinary turnabout, Ciavarella attacked the government's case as well as the conclusions of the state Supreme Court and the Interbranch Commission on Juvenile Justice, a state panel that investigated the scandal. Both said Ciavarella engaged in wholesale rights violations over a period of many years.

Ciavarella denied it.

"I did everything I was obligated to do protect these children's rights," he said.

He also criticized Assistant U.S. Attorney Gordon Zubrod for referring to the case as "kids for cash," saying it sank his reputation. (Zubrod said outside court that he doesn't remember ever calling it that.)

"He backdoored me, and I never saw it coming. Those three words made me the personification of evil," Ciavarella said. "They made me toxic and caused a public uproar the likes of which this community has never seen."

In court, Zubrod said Ciavarella had "verbally abused and cruelly mocked children he sent away after violating their rights." He called the ex-judge "vicious and mean-spirited" and asked U.S. District Judge Edwin M. Kosik to punish Ciavarella's "profound evil" with a life sentence.

"The criminal justice system (in Luzerne County) is ruined and will not recover in our lifetimes," Zubrod added.

Federal prosecutors accused Ciavarella and a second judge, Michael Conahan, of taking more than $2 million in bribes from Robert Mericle, the builder of the PA Child Care and Western PA Child Care detention centers, and of extorting hundreds of thousands of dollars from Robert Powell, the facilities' co-owner.

Ciavarella, known for his harsh and autocratic courtroom demeanor, pocketed the cash while filling the beds of the private lockups with children as young as 10, many of them first-time offenders convicted of petty theft and other minor crimes. Ciavarella often ordered youths he had found delinquent to be immediately shackled, handcuffed and taken away without giving them a chance to say goodbye to their families.

"Frankly, I don't think Ciavarella or Conahan themselves really personally cared where the juveniles went, as long as they could use their power to place the juveniles as leverage or control over Mericle and Powell," U.S. Attorney Peter Smith said Thursday.

Speaking of Ciavarella, Smith added: "There's no true remorse and there's a blind unwillingness to admit the overall seriousness of his conduct."

The jury returned a mixed verdict following a February trial, convicting Ciavarella of 12 counts, including racketeering and conspiracy, and acquitting him of 27 counts, including extortion. The guilty verdicts related to a payment of $997,600 from Mericle.

Conahan pleaded guilty last year and awaits sentencing.

Sandy Fonzo, whose son committed suicide last year at the age of 23 after bouncing in and out of Ciavarella's courtroom, said Thursday that justice was done.

"This judge was wrong, what he did to my son, what he did to all of our children, what he did to our families, and today proves that," said Fonzo, who dramatically confronted Ciavarella on the courthouse steps earlier this year.

Susan Mishanski also applauded the sentence. Ciavarella had ordered her son to spend three months in a wilderness camp for scuffling with another kid.

"They did not even tell him where they were taking him. It was like someone kidnapped my son," she said. "It was awful."

Ciavarella and Conahan initially pleaded guilty in February 2009 to honest services fraud and tax evasion in a deal that called for a sentence of more than seven years in prison. But their plea deals were rejected by Kosik, who ruled they had failed to accept responsibility for their actions.

:beat:
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Offline wdtony

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Re: Jailing Kids For Cash
« Reply #68 on: August 14, 2011, 02:13:33 AM »
Oh it is nice to see some justice served. This really shows how underhanded the private sector is when it applies to management of teen prisons. Not to mention private programs and prisons for adults.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VwI5ufaI3kE

And one mother is really pissed, she has every right to scream...

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QCExlbGTX_M
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Offline wdtony

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Conahan gets 17.5 years
« Reply #69 on: September 23, 2011, 04:41:47 PM »
http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2011/09/ ... 0762.shtml



Ex-judge gets 17 1/2 years in Pa. kickbacks case


September 23, 2011 12:31 PM


(AP)  SCRANTON, Pa. — A former judge who orchestrated a massive kickback scheme involving for-profit youth detention centers was sentenced Friday to 17 1/2 years in federal prison, closing a major chapter on a scandal that prosecutors said shook Pennsylvania's judicial system "to its very foundation."

Appearing in a federal courtroom in Scranton, former Luzerne County President Judge Michael Conahan, 59, apologized to the incarcerated youths, the legal community and the public for his role in the notorious "kids for cash" case.

"The system is not corrupt," said Conahan. "I was corrupt."

Conahan, a once-powerful man who regularly met for breakfast with the reputed boss of a northeastern Pennsylvania Mafia family, offered a direct apology to the children who spent time in a pair of youth lockups from which he and another former judge derived millions of dollars.

"My actions undermined your faith in the system and contributed to the difficulty in your lives," said Conahan, who pleaded guilty to racketeering conspiracy last year. "I am sorry you were victimized."

Federal prosecutors said Conahan and former Luzerne County Judge Mark Ciavarella Jr. took more than $2 million in bribes from the builder of the PA Child Care and Western PA Child Care detention centers and extorted hundreds of thousands of dollars from the facilities' co-owner.

Ciavarella took the case to trial and was convicted of some of the charges. He was sentenced last month to 28 years in prison.

The Pennsylvania Supreme Court overturned about 4,000 juvenile convictions after Ciavarella and Conahan were charged, saying that Ciavarella, who presided over juvenile court, routinely trampled on youths' constitutional rights in his eagerness to send them to the for-profit jails.

Unlike Ciavarella, who denied jailing youths for money and defiantly attacked the government's case at his sentencing, Conahan accepted responsibility, Assistant U.S. Attorney William Houser acknowledged Friday. But he said Conahan's crimes required a stiff sentence.

"Mr. Conahan abused his power to enrich himself and his friend, Mark Ciavarella," Houser said. "The justice system in Pennsylvania was shaken to its very foundation."

Ciavarella and Conahan initially pleaded guilty in February 2009 to honest services fraud and tax evasion in a deal that would have required them to spend more than seven years in prison. But their plea deals were rejected later that year by U.S. District Judge Edwin M. Kosik, who ruled they had failed to accept responsibility for their actions.

Conahan's attorney, Philip Gelso, told Kosik on Friday that his client was a changed man from two years ago.

Conahan got counseling from a psychologist who helped him face his repressed "lifelong demons," many of them having to do with his father, a funeral director and former mayor of Hazleton, Pa., who dominated his son and made him feel insecure, incompetent and inadequate, Gelso said.

Gelso recounted an episode in which a teenage Conahan was "beaten mercilessly" when he failed to tend to the funeral home's coal stove.

"These factors excuse nothing, but they explain a great deal," Gelso said.

Conahan, who had faced up to 20 years behind bars, had requested a prison term similar to the seven-plus years Kosik rejected two years ago. Gelso said outside the court that Conahan was "bitterly disappointed" by the 17 1/2-year sentence but that it would not be appealed.

"There's a stark contract between Mark Ciavarella and Mike Conahan. Mark Ciavarella fought this tooth and nail. Mark Ciavarella antagonized all of you, antagonized every child, every juvenile," Gelso told reporters. "But Mike Conahan didn't do that. Mike Conahan realized that people need to heal."

In sentencing Conahan, Kosik spoke of the deep-rooted political culture that produced him, one in which corruption is tacitly accepted. The federal government's four-year investigation of public corruption in Luzerne and Lackawanna counties has snared more than 30 people, including state lawmakers, county officials, school board members and others.

In a letter to Kosik, Conahan's sister recalled their father, dealing with a long-ago ethics investigation, couldn't understand why it was wrong to award a contract to a friend. Kosik said Conahan probably felt the same way about the juvenile-center kickbacks: "That everyone would benefit and no one would get hurt."

Investigators disclosed earlier this year that they were led to the judges by reputed mob boss William D'Elia, who became a government informant after his 2006 arrest on charges of witness tampering and conspiracy to launder drug money. He and Conahan regularly met for breakfast.

Kosik recommended that Conahan be placed in a federal prison camp in Florida so he can be close to his family.
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Offline wdtony

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Re: Jailing Kids For Cash
« Reply #70 on: November 23, 2011, 12:23:30 AM »
Judge Ciavarella, Vision Quest, rape, psychiatric medication and 14 year old girl...

All included in this personal essay written by a former Pennsylvania investigative journalist.

http://www.themorningnews.org/article/t ... od?mid=535
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Offline Ursus

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The Demands of Cold Blood
« Reply #71 on: November 23, 2011, 01:41:40 AM »
Thanks for posting that, Tony!

What an incredible story. A story of how "average folk" in this country have been systematically exploited and destroyed ... all due to the greed and appetite for power of those who are in a position to do so: public servants vested with the public trust, "experts" in rehabilitation, etc. etc. What a disgraceful sham!

Here's that article, for posterity's sake:

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The Morning News
PERSONAL ESSAYS · Nov 8, 2011

The Demands of Cold Blood

by John Davidson

When a crime reporter is told an outlandish account, his first obligation is to establish the facts. But when the story turns out to be far more shocking—a conspiracy, in fact, of appalling darkness—it can knock his sense of duty until it cracks.

The letter on my desk was from a family, a husband and wife. They had written to me after reading a short news article I'd done about a 26-year-old convicted child molester who had been arrested that week and charged with raping a 14-year-old girl. The girl was their daughter. She had been raped by the man two months earlier but had been locked away in juvenile detention for more than a month—longer than her attacker had been in custody.

Their story seemed unbelievable to me. They claimed that a local judge had sent their daughter to a private juvenile detention facility hundreds of miles away from their home in northeast Pennsylvania without notifying them. She had been on probation for a simple assault charge the year before (a mild altercation with a neighbor), and when she showed up to school intoxicated a week after she was raped, she was arrested for violating the conditions of her probation. The parents also claimed that she'd had no legal representation at the time of the sentencing. Like most reporters, I have a knee-jerk skepticism about people and their problems, especially people who write letters to newsrooms, and it didn't seem possible that this had really happened—at least not in the way they described it.

The couple wanted to meet with me and explain everything in hopes of getting their daughter's case reconsidered, or getting her moved closer to home. I thought meeting with them was a bad idea. Even if they were telling the truth, I didn't have time to investigate Luzerne County's juvenile justice system and I didn't want to promise them a story or an outcome I couldn't deliver. And if even half of what they'd written were true, then they had suffered enough without some reporter dragging their private tragedy into public.

But I agreed to meet with them anyway, out of a mixture of pity and curiosity. I had been a reporter long enough not to act on pity alone or let my pity push me into advocacy journalism, which I eschewed. It was my curiosity that tipped the scales; something didn't add up—especially if their story were true—and I wanted to find out what it was. They wanted me to come to their home, a small house off a narrow street stacked in with other small houses on a steep hill a few towns away. I rarely went to people's homes unless there was a fire or a shooting, and I almost never went inside. Most people don't want reporters in their house; we're bad omens.

As soon as I stepped out of my car, I didn't want to go into their house. It was a typical working-class neighborhood in Wilkes-Barre, Pa.—cracked streets and crumbling houses and overcast skies. I knew I could not help these desperate people who were suddenly standing in front of me, ushering me in. They took me through a yellowish kitchen and down a dark hallway into a low-lit living room with a couch covered with afghans and pillows. Their other, younger daughter peeked her head out of a doorway and then withdrew. I was ashamed to be there, and took out my notebook and turned on my tape recorder to create some distance between us, to signify that I was all business and this was all on-record and I was not necessarily an ally. But when I sat down the couch swallowed me like I was settling in to watch a movie, and I had to struggle out of it and perch myself on the edge of the cushion and lean forward precariously, pen and notebook in hand, just to maintain a professional appearance.

"Thank you so much for coming. We just don't know what to do anymore," the mother said as we all got settled. She was a large woman with a worried face. Her husband was tall and thick-limbed and sat staring at the floor while his wife explained everything.

Their daughter had showed up to school one morning drunk and sobbing, and claimed she had been raped the week before. She named her attacker to school officials and the police, but because she was on probation she was arrested for being intoxicated and locked up in juvenile detention. No one offered her counseling and no one asked about the sexual assault until, four days later, the district attorney requested a written affidavit about the attack. She wrote an account by hand while still incarcerated and a month later police arrested the accused man at his apartment on charges of statutory sexual assault, corruption of minors, and furnishing alcohol to minors.

The girl, however, remained locked up for two months just waiting for a hearing with a judge named Mark Ciavarella Jr. When the hearing finally took place, Ciavarella summarily sentenced her to a juvenile rehabilitation program called Vision Quest—400 miles away in Franklin County. She had no legal representation at the hearing and her parents were only notified of it afterward.

At Vision Quest, which the girl later described to me as a kind of military-style boot camp where they "screamed in your face," instead of receiving counseling to help her deal with the rape she was given powerful prescription drugs like Zoloft and Prozac. Her parents were never consulted about the medications beforehand or notified when staff doctors decided to change them. The first time they went to visit her they pulled up and saw TV news vans and police cruisers lined up outside the facility. There had been a riot the day before. About 30 girls had filled their socks with rocks and attacked staff members. Some of the girls escaped into the woods amid the fighting but were later caught.

The mother became increasingly upset as she breathlessly told me all this. "When we saw her the first time she was real agitated and couldn't sit still, and she told us the drugs they were giving her were making her angry and depressed, and we asked what they were and she said she didn't know, so we asked the counselor and he said they were giving her Zoloft. Now I did some research on my own online and I couldn't believe they gave her something like that without telling us—Zoloft, and we're her parents. How can they do that?"

 I was careful to treat what they were telling me as true even though it seemed impossible. I took notes and nodded. "They never told you this was a possibility when they admitted her?"

"They didn't tell us nothing." It was the first time the father had spoken since we sat down. "She's our daughter. We should've had a say but they didn't tell us nothing." His voice was measured and soft and his eyes were glued to the floor.

The parents both had health problems that made driving 400 miles to Vision Quest difficult, they said. The father had hurt his back some years ago and couldn't work anymore, saying something about a workers' comp lawsuit, but I didn't press them about it. The mother said she'd been calling and writing to Judge Ciavarella and the D.A. and state and local politicians, but no one would listen to them. They showed me mounds of paperwork, appeals forms, copies of dozens of letters they'd sent, offered to me as evidence of their hopeless situation. Going public was the last thing they wanted to do, but they were desperate. I knew I could not help them but I said that I would try. When I left their house I felt sick to my stomach. No matter what had happened and no matter if I were ever able to write this story, I felt in my gut that nothing good would come out of this.

Years later I would find out just how dark the entire story was, but at that point it was already difficult to face the bare facts. The man accused of raping the girl had himself, along with his brothers, been repeatedly raped and sexually abused as a child by his own parents, who were eventually found out and sentenced to decades-long prison terms in the 1990s. As a teenager, the man was incarcerated for molesting his 5-year-old nephew. None of that made any difference to the girl or her parents, but telling the girl's story in all its detail, making public everything we could find out about it—even at the family's request—weighed on my conscience.

I didn't feel like it was any of my business to share in this family's suffering and use my power as a journalist to advertise their plight. So what if they wanted me to? They were grief-stricken and not thinking clearly. They had no idea what was best for them. There are things I've had to do as a reporter that otherwise I would never have done, but I justified them by telling myself it was for a greater good, that it was just part of the job, that it didn't have anything to do with me personally, and that I was only responsible up to a certain point. The longer I was a crime reporter, the harder it was to convince myself of this.


I once interviewed a 13-year-old boy the morning after his father was murdered. Late the previous evening, his father's best friend had come to their house drunk, wanting to talk about how he thought his long-time girlfriend was cheating on him, only to find her car parked in the driveway. The man snapped. He got a .357-caliber revolver, kicked in the front door of the house, went up to the bedroom and found his ex-girlfriend in bed with his best friend. He then blew his friend's head off. The gunshot and splattering of blood on her face woke the ex-girlfriend, who managed to wrest the gun from him and escape. The shot had also woken the boy, who'd been asleep downstairs and called family members.

At the arraignment the next day I approached the boy but his family told me to get away, he doesn't want to talk. But the boy said no, I'll talk, it's OK. He was calm and polite and answered my questions matter-of-factly. He was probably in shock. I thanked him and left the courthouse hating myself, knowing that the only reason I'd interviewed him was to make the story more dramatic, more sensational, more vivid. The facts were the same, with or without a quote from the boy. I couldn't shake the feeling that I had made things a little bit worse for that family; I had certainly not done any good. No matter how I spun it to myself, the story I ended up writing, complete with harrowing quotes from the now-fatherless boy, was essentially for our readers' entertainment.

I kept thinking about that boy as I tried to figure out what to do about the girl and her parents. Would I make things worse for them or not? Had I already? Part of me thought that just by going to their house and allowing them to share their helplessness with me, I had done them harm. I had let them pour out their hearts to me, a complete stranger, and in doing so had implicitly given them hope that I could help get their daughter back, which of course I could not.

 I told them when I left their house I would look into the case and be in touch. Their suffering was too raw for me not to follow through. The only way to find out if they were telling the truth, or not leaving out crucial details, was to talk to their daughter myself and read her case file.

Because the girl was a minor, no judges, district attorneys, or cops would speak with me about the case or even acknowledge its existence. It was convenient for them that way; they could tell themselves they were protecting her by not speaking to the media. The only person who ever said two words to me about it besides the girl and her parents was Judge Ciavarella himself. I called and asked to see her file, and he said if I got a notarized, signed release from the girl and her parents I could see it. Otherwise he had no comment on the case, he said, and hung up.

When he said he would let me see the file, he'd meant that literally. I was led to a small windowless room in the Luzerne County courthouse annex furnished with a table and one chair. On the table was a pad of paper and a pencil and the girl's five-inch-thick file. A surly juvenile probation officer explained that I was not allowed to copy or photograph anything in the file or remove any part of it from the room. I was not allowed to have a cell phone or a laptop with me in the room. I was not allowed to reprint or directly quote any part of the file. I could stay as long as I wanted but I could not leave the room with any part of the file. That was all.

I sat down and read for six hours taking notes until my hands cramped into claws.

Everything the parents had said was true. The prescription medications, the absence of defense attorneys or guardians at the sentencing, the lack of counseling at the detention facilities—all true. The straightforward tragedy of this family was just what the girl's father had said to me in their living room fighting back tears: "My girl was acting out because of what that man did to her. It should be obvious. But no one wanted to talk about that at any of her hearings. Like it never happened. They just wanted to send her away."

I didn't leave the courthouse that day excited about having the scoop on a big story. The truth of it all made me want to quit, to get away. I wanted to call the parents and tell them that printing the truth would not change anything, it would only harm their daughter and provide newspaper readers with some twisted form of entertainment. But now I had to write the story. This family had taken me into their trust and asked for this. No matter how much I thought it would harm their daughter and their family, I was bound. I had gone to the courthouse looking for a way out and had found instead only the horrible truth.

Eventually I went to see the girl. It was about a month before she was to be sent home and placed on indefinite probation. She was skinny and quiet and wore her hair pulled back in a tight ponytail. Her parents were there, too. The mom took pictures and the dad held his daughter's hand. At her request, they had brought McDonald's. She ate while we talked. She said all she wanted now was to go home, that she felt much closer to her parents and her little sister, and that she wished someone would have listened to her and respected her enough to understand what was going on all this time.

I had been working on the story, on and off, for about three months. I told them it would finally be running as the main Sunday feature in next week's paper. I told them that if for some reason there were any delays I would let them know ahead of time so they could be prepared. I didn't tell them I had taken a job in Philadelphia and would be moving in a few weeks. I was ashamed; it seemed cowardly to publish their nightmare and then let them fend for themselves against whatever might come after. But I couldn't help them anyway. The article quoted no official sources aside from citing information we found in the girl's case file. It drew no definitive conclusions about the county's juvenile justice system as a whole and leveled no accusations. It's not that the family's story wasn't itself a damning indictment of the system—it was. But I didn't have enough evidence to show systematic corruption or official malfeasance. No one would go on record, and I wasn't able to prove that Judge Ciavarella had acted outside the bounds of the law, as outrageous as that seemed. My editors wisely decided not to publish any photos of the girl; I questioned the wisdom of running the story at all.

A girl had been raped by a sick man, a family had been ripped apart by a cruel judge, and I wanted out of it. I never wanted to know about any of it ever again. If I had seen that father or mother once more after the story ran, I wouldn't have been able to meet their eyes. I was a usurer of their tragedy, theirs and dozens of others. That was the last story I ever wrote for a daily newspaper, my last filing as a crime reporter. In Philadelphia I would be covering lighter subjects like arts and entertainment, urban design and development; I would not be meddling in the lives of others. I left that town and told myself I would never return, and I never have.


About three years later I moved from Philadelphia to Austin. Although I was still doing journalism as a freelancer I hadn't thought about the girl and her family in a long time. One day a headline about a "kids for cash scandal" in Pennsylvania caught my eye. I scanned down and saw the words, "former Judge Mark A. Ciavarella Jr." The story and the family and the girl came rushing back.

Ciavarella and another judge were on trial for racketeering, bribery, and extortion. Prosecutors claimed they'd funneled thousands of teenagers into two privately run detention centers, often doling out harsh sentences to first-time misdemeanor offenders who had no legal representation at their hearings, in return for cash payments totaling more than $2.5 million. The builder of the centers and the owners paid Ciavarella to keep their for-profit juvenile prisons full, and he obliged with ruthless sentences. Suddenly it all began to make sense.

The article also said the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania had ordered thousands of juvenile convictions overturned and criminal records expunged. I hoped the girl was included in that, but I didn't try to find out. It was enough that she was home with her family.

I read and re-read the story, trying to see if there had been something I'd missed or something more I could have done. I blamed myself for not discovering the truth, but I also didn't see how I could have known or found out about Ciavarella's scam on my own. The story broke not because of some intrepid reporter but because the FBI issued a press release announcing the charges. But it still felt like I'd failed—failed the girl and every other kid that had been sent away in the three years since my story ran. It reminded me of the nauseating sense of futility I used to have working on these stories, and why I walked away from them.

One of the two private detention centers was called PA Child Care. The name sounded familiar. I looked up the address and realized it was where I had interviewed the girl several years before. We had sat in one of the classrooms with her parents while she ate McDonald's and told me about her ordeal. The family's meaningless tragedy now made more sense. There had been a reason for their needless suffering after all: simple greed. There would be justice, too, even if it came too late. This past August, Ciavarella was sentenced to 28 years in federal prison. He will be 85 years old before he is eligible for release.

John Davidson is an American writer and journalist living in France. In 2006, he was the night reporter at The Times Leader, in the heart of northeast Pennsylvania's former coal belt. He is also the founder of an on-again-off-again indie band called The New Time, whose music can be found on the internet.


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Offline wdtony

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Re: Jailing Kids For Cash
« Reply #72 on: November 24, 2011, 11:07:24 PM »
Thank you for posting this in its entirety Ursus, I was extremely tired when I saw it online and just wanted to get the link up. I thought it was a really insightful look into how the judge and the program were absolutely corrupt right under the nose of this journalist and he still didn't see the truth of the matter. I agree, it is an incredible story.
« Last Edit: December 31, 1969, 07:00:00 PM by Guest »
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